the possible involvement of P2 and "secret services" [edit]
It is assumed that the murder of Moro may have been some way implicated the P2 masonic lodge of Licio Gelli blanket, or even that the Brigades Red may have been infiltrated by U.S. intelligence (CIA) or by Gladio, a clandestine network of NATO to counter Soviet influence in Western European countries. According to these theories, Mario Moretti would have been "-directed" during the seizure (see all Flamigli S., The spider's web, published by Chaos, 2003, 2nd ed.).
journalist Mino Pecorelli, in his magazine published an article entitled Political Observatory "Shame on you, fools!", Arguing that General Dalla Chiesa had gone from telling him about Andreotti Moro's prison, not getting the green light to blitz because of the opposition of a certain "loggia of Christ in heaven." La probabile allusione alla P2, i cui affiliati controllavano i punti chiave dello Stato, fu chiara soltanto in seguito dopo il ritrovamento della lista degli iscritti alla P2, il 17 marzo 1981, quando si scoprirono in questa diversi nominativi di personaggi che ricoprivano ruoli importanti nelle istituzioni durante il sequestro Moro e le successive indagini, alcuni promossi ai loro incarichi da pochi mesi o durante il sequestro stesso: tra questi il generale Giuseppe Santovito, direttore del Sismi, il prefetto Walter Pelosi, direttore del CESIS, il generale Giulio Grassini del SISDE, l'ammiraglio Antonino Geraci, capo del Sios della Marina Militare, Federico Umberto D'Amato, direttore dell'Ufficio Affari Riservati del Ministero dell'Interno, il generale Raffaele Giudice, commander of the Guardia di Finanza and General Donald Lo Prete, chief of staff of the same, General of Police Joseph Siracusa (responsible for that involving checkpoints in the capital during the investigations carried out the kidnapping, which were considered effective by the Commission little Moro). [38] [39] [40] [41] According to reports
by Professor Vincenzo Cappelletti (one of the experts called to form the committees during the kidnapping) to the Committee massacres, Professor Ferracuti Franco, whose name appears among the members of the P2 and that was one of the supporters of the fact that More had been struck by the Stockholm syndrome, stuck to his lodge during the period of the kidnapping on the proposal of general Grassini, at least according to what was reported to the same Ferracuti [42].
Licio Gelli said that the presence of a large number of committees affiliated with the lodge was not due to a active involvement of P2 in question, as to the fact that many prominent figures were recorded at the same time, so it was natural that in these committees if they find different. The same Gelli said that some members of these committees will probably ignore the fact that others also belong to the same Masonic lodge P2. [43]
more doubtful case, which has been discussed in numerous publications on the Moro case, is related to presence of Colonel Guglielmi Camillo SISMI close of the attack during the action of BR. The news of his presence in the Via Stresa, initially kept secret, is revealed only in 1991 during the Commission's investigation Massacres, even after presenting a report by Representative Democracy Proletarian Luigi Cipriani (then a member of the Committee) which reported that some witnesses on the Moro case and the role of observer as Guglielmi, a former agent of the earthquake (then almost totally denied by the individual). Guglielmi assert that he was actually in the area, but because they invited to dinner by a colleague who lived in the nearby Via Stresa. According to some publications colleague, but confirming the fact that William had been brought to his house, denied that his arrival was expected. [44] According to some sources (including the Cipriani) Guglielmi would also have been part of Gladio, the same argument, however, strongly denied by Colonel. [ 45] [46] [47] [48]
Surveys DIGOS will then discover that some of the machinery used by the Red Brigades in the printer for printing press (almost a year before the kidnapping), which was run by a Red Brigades (Enrico Triaca) and funded by Moretti, had previously been owned by the state: it was a printer AB-DIK260T, which was on its own special units of the Group (being the SISMI) and that, even with a few years of life and a elvato value, was sold as scrap iron, and a photocopier DIK AB-675, precedentemnte owned by the Ministry of Transport, purchased in 1969 and, after several changes of owner, was sold to Henry Triaca. [49] [50] [51]
Even the apartment in Via Gradoli [52] presents some peculiarities. First it was leased by the pseudonym of Mario Moretti Villages in 1975. In addition, the stable also lived in a police informer and several apartments were registered to people of SISMI. The building was searched by the Police Colonel Varisco but was missing the apartment where it is assumed to be held captive Moro. The lease between Borghi (Moretti) and its counterpart (Luciana Bozzi) was not recorded. To add further uncertainty on the case, other publications noted that Ms. Bozzi will be found later to be a friend of Giuliana Conforto, whose father was in the list of Mitrokhin KGB agents, and in whose apartment the Red Brigades were arrested and Morucci Faranda. Finally, Pecorelli, in 1977, he mocks Moretti-directing a Villages resident in Via Gradoli - a greeting from Ascoli Piceno (Moretti was born in 1946 in Porto San Giorgio in the province of Ascoli Piceno), bearing the message. "Greetings, brrrr." [53]
In June 2008, the Venezuelan terrorist Ilich Ramírez Sánchez, Carlos said, in an interview with news agency ANSA said that some men of SISMI, led by Colonel Stefano Giovannoni (found near Moro), in the evening between 8 and 9 May 1978, at the Beirut airport, trying to negotiate to leave the statesman: the agreement provided for the delivery of some men to prison Brigades of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine in the territory of an Arab country. According to Carlos the deal, which saw the top of the SISMI against and violated the directive of the government not to deal, failed because the information came out of the PLO political office, probably (according to the statistics) because of Bassam Abu Sharif, From there they were informed of the services a NATO country which in its turn informed the earthquake. The next day Moro was killed. Also according to the Venezuelan terrorist officers who had made such an attempt were turned away from services, forcing the resignation or retirement. [54] [55] The same Carlos, in the mid-80s, had been indicated by Kyodo News, a ' Japanese news agency, based on information from a source not stated, as a possible inspiration for the kidnapping.
The former vice president of CSM and former assistant secretary of the Christian Democrat Giovanni Galloni July 5, 2005, in an interview in the transmission of Rainews24 NEXT [61], said that a few weeks before the kidnapping, Moro confided, discussing the difficulty of finding nests of the Red Brigades, to be aware of the fact that both American and Israeli services had infiltrated the BR, but the Italians were not kept informed of these activities that could have been helpful in ' locate the hideouts of the Red Brigades. Gallon also said that there were many difficulties to get in touch with the American services during the days of the kidnapping, but that some information could still be coming from the U.S.
"Pecorelli wrote that March 15, 1978 would be a very serious happened in Italy and it was discovered after Moro was kidnapped the day before the murder of Pecorelli (...) might have been caused by things che il giornalista era in grado di rivelare »
(Intervista a Giovanni Galloni nella trasmissione Next)
Lo stesso Galloni aveva già effettuato dichiarazioni simili durante un'audizione alla Commissione Stragi il 22 luglio 1998 [62], in cui affermò anche che durante un suo viaggio negli USA del 1976 gli era stato fatto presente che, per motivi strategici (il timore di perdere le basi militari su suolo italiano, che erano la prima linea di difesa in caso di invasione dell'Europa da parte sovietica) gli Stati Uniti erano contrari ad un governo aperto ai comunisti come quello a cui puntava Moro:
« Quindi, l'entrata dei comunisti in Italia nel Governo o nella maggioranza era una questione strategica, di life or death, "life or death" as they said, for the United States of America, because if the communists had come to doubt their government in Italy would be driven from those bases and that they could not allow any cost. Here occurred the divisions between hawks and doves. The hawks argued in a threatening way that this would never leave, whatever the cost, so I could see behind this statement coups, rebellions and the like. "
(Statements of John Gallon, Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry on terrorism in Italy and the causes of the failure to identify those responsible for massacres, 39 'session, July 22, 1998)
And yet the fact of Gladio può aver giocato a favore dell'uccisione di Moro. Infatti, pare che Moro avesse accennato ai brigatisti l'esistenza della struttura parallela ed ultrasegreta "Gladio",[63] molti anni prima che divenisse di pubblico dominio, seppure i brigatisti non abbiano colto la portata della rivelazione. Secondo quanto riportato in un recente libro, che tratta della vita e della morte del falsario che confezionò il falso comunicato del Lago della Duchessa, le rivelazioni fatte da Moro circa Gladio, intuibili in alcune sue lettere, ma non esplicite, avrebbero costituito il "Punto di non ritono" della trattativa, ed il falso comunicato sarebbe da interpretarsi quale "messaggio" ai brigatisti circa la perdita di valore dell'ostaggio, con blocco conseguente delle trattative riguardo alla sua liberazione [64].
La vedova dell'onorevole Moro[65], Noretta Chiavarelli, ebbe modo di dichiarare al primo processo contro il nucleo storico delle BR (1983), direttamente interrogata dal presidente Severino Santiapichi che suo marito era inviso agli Stati Uniti fin dal 1964, quando venne varato il Governo di Centro-Sinistra e che più volte fosse stato "ammonito" da esponenti politici d'oltreoceano a non violare la cosiddetta "logica di Yalta". Anche se la signora Moro non citò espressamente che il marito le avesse fatto rammentare la contemporaneità tra la nascita del primo governo tra DC e PSI col cosiddetto "Piano Solo" (o "Golpe De Lorenzo"), l'onorevole Moro accennò al fatto che oltreoceano non erano graditi governi di sinistra sotto alcuna veste. Per bilanciare lo spostamento a sinistra dell'asse di governo[66], Moro favorì l'elezione di Antonio Segni, contrario ad ogni intesa con le sinistre, alla presidenza della repubblica. Ne conseguì una serie di intralci alla politica di riforme desiderate dall'esecutivo, tanto che più volte Segni aveva invitato a colloquio al Quirinale il generale golpista, Giovanni De Lorenzo anche durante le consultazioni di rito nelle crisi di goveno, fatto unico nella storia repubblicana. Le "pressioni" statunitensi sul marito, stante la deposizione della signora Moro, s'accentuarono dopo il 1973 [67],quando lo statista creò un'alleanza stretta col PCI che prese il nome of "historic compromise". In September of 1974 was the U.S. secretary of state, on the sidelines of a state visit neli USA, Henry Kissinger to warn sternly Moro's "dangerousness" of such a link with the PCI. And again, in March 1976, the threats became more explicit. On this occasion, he was confronted by a tall man called out that the U.S. hard. In front of the parliamentary commission of inquiry, Eleonora Moro rievocherà so the episode: "It is one of the few times when my husband told me exactly what they had said, without revealing the name of the person ... Now I try to repeat it as I remember, 'Mr (said in another language, of course), you must stop to pursue his plan to bring all political forces of his country to cooperate directly. Here, or do you stop this thing, or she will pay dearly. See how she wants to understand '. "It is assumed that Henry Kissinger was again [68]. Many of these theories are based on the assumption that the hard work that More had had to admit members of the Italian Communist Party into a government coalition, was deeply disturbing those interests (the so-called Pax Americana), and this, according to some observers, would consider that what happened to Moro could be beneficial for the United States. This position was expressed for the first time in the studio Who Killed Aldo Moro? (1978), directed by Webster Tarpley and commissioned by the Parliamentary DC Hon Joseph Zamberletti. About the words quoted by the wife of Moro later, during his deposition that, before the crime, "A high-level U.S. political figure," said Aldo Moro "O let loose your policy or pay dear". It was to be attached to fear that "in Italy we reached a settlement similar to that of Chile at that time had been the beginning of a brutal military dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet to work (1973). The change was intended as an abandonment of any possibility of agreement with the Communists. Some believe that this figure was Henry Kissinger, who had already spoken in terms of disturbing the Minister for Foreign Affairs Moro in a meeting face to face in 1974. Asked about Kissinger has denied the incident, beginning with the date of the last "diktat" on the fringes of an international meeting March 23, 1976 [69]. He also said that the contacts held between Moro Enrico Berlinguer, secretary of the PCI and Giorgio Almirante, secretary of the MSI, respectively, the major parties of left and right, with the aim - according to this hypothesis - "to cool the tension of their extremist "(Armed Revolutionary Nuclei and the Red Brigades), the exact opposite of what they wanted the strategy of tension. Of course, there were between Berlinguer and Almirante personal contacts and estimate (as demonstrated by the presence of Almirante Berlinguer's funeral in 1984, presenza ricambiata da Alessandro Natta ai funerali di Almirante nel 1988).
Fonte:L'ex vicepresidente del CSM ed ex vicesegretario della Democrazia Cristiana Giovanni Galloni il 5 luglio 2005, in un'intervista nella trasmissione NEXT di Rainews24[61], disse che poche settimane prima del rapimento, Moro gli confidò, discutendo della difficoltà di trovare i covi delle BR, di essere a conoscenza del fatto che sia i servizi americani che quelli israeliani avevano degli infiltrati nelle BR, ma che gli italiani non erano tenuti al corrente di queste attività che sarebbero potute essere d'aiuto nell'individuare i covi dei brigatisti. Galloni sostenne anche che vi furono parecchie difficoltà a mettersi in contatto con i servizi Americans during the days of the kidnapping, but some information could still be coming from the U.S.
"Pecorelli wrote that March 15, 1978 would have happened a very serious and it was discovered in Italy after Moro was kidnapped the day before (.. .) Pecorelli's murder might have been caused by the things that the journalist was able to reveal "
(Interview with John Gallon in the transmission Next)
The same gallons had already made similar statements during a hearing on the Commission Massacres July 22, 1998 [62], which also stated that during his trip to the USA in 1976 had been suggested that, for strategic reasons (fear losing military bases on Italian soil, who were the first line of defense in case of invasion of Europe from the Soviets) the United States were opposed to open government to the Communists as the one to which the pointing Moro
"So, the 'entry of the communists in Italy in the government or the majority had a strategic issue of life or death, "life or death" as they said, for the United States of America, because if the communists had come to doubt their government in Italy would be driven from those bases and that they could not allow any cost. Here occurred the divisions between hawks and doves. The hawks argued in a threatening way that this would never leave, whatever the cost, for I could see that behind this statement coups, rebellions and the like. "
(Statements of John Gallon, Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry on terrorism in Italy and the causes of the failure to identify those responsible for massacres, 39 'session, July 22, 1998)
Yet the fact that Gladio could have played for Moro killing. In fact, it seems that More had alluded to the existence of the parallel structure Brigades and ultra-secret "Gladio", [63] many years before it became public knowledge, although the Red Brigades did not appreciate the scope of the disclosure. As reported in a recent book, which deals with the life and death of the forger who sewed the false statement from the Lake of the Duchess, the revelations made by Moro about Gladio, predictable in some of his letters, but not explicit, would have been the "point of no ritono" in the talks, and the false statement would be interpreted as a "message" to RB about the loss of value of the hostage, with consequent blocking of the negotiations regarding its release [64].
Mr Moro's widow [65], Noretta Chiavarelli, was able to declare the first trial of the historic core of the BR (1983), when questioned directly by the President Severino Santiapichi that her husband was unpalatable to the United States since 1964, when he launched the Centre-Left Government and several times was "Warned" by politicians from overseas not to violate the so-called "logic of Yalta". Although Mrs. Moro did not mention specifically that her husband had done to recall the coincidence in time between the birth of the first government between DC and PSI with so-called "Piano Solo" (or "Golpe De Lorenzo"), Mr Moro mentioned that overseas were not welcome leftist governments in any capacity. To balance the shift to the left of the Government [66], Moro favored the election of Antonio Segni, contrary to any understanding with the Left, as president of the republic. The result was a series of obstacles to policy reforms desired by the executive, so that signs often invited him to interview General coup at the Quirinale, Giovanni De Lorenzo during the consultations in crisis Goven rite, that is unique in the history of the Republic. The "pressures" on the American husband, given the testimony of Mrs. Moro, becomes thicker after 1973 [67], when the statesman created close alliance with the PCI was called "historic compromise". In September of 1974 was the U.S. secretary of state, on the sidelines of a state visit neli USA, Henry Kissinger to warn sternly Moro's "dangerousness" of such a link with the PCI. And again, in March 1976, the threats became more explicit. On this occasion, he was confronted by a tall man called out that the U.S. hard. Before the Commission parliamentary inquiry, Eleonora Moro rievocherà so the episode: "It is one of the few times when my husband told me exactly what they had said, without revealing the name of the person to repeat it ... Now I feel as I remember : 'Mr (said in another language, of course), you should stop pursuing his plan to bring all political forces of his country to cooperate directly. Here, or do you stop this thing, or she will pay dearly. Vedas she wants to understand how '. " It is assumed that Henry Kissinger was again [68]. Many of these theories are based on the assumption that the hard work that More had produced for admitting members of the Italian Communist Party in a government coalition, was deeply disturbing those interests (the so-called Pax Americana), and this, according to some observers, would consider that what happened to Moro could be beneficial for the United States. This position was expressed for the first time in the studio Who Killed Aldo Moro? (1978), directed by Webster Tarpley and commissioned by the Parliamentary DC Hon Joseph Zamberletti. About the words quoted by the wife of Moro later, during his deposition that, before the crime, "A high-level U.S. political figure," said Aldo Moro "O let loose your policy or pay dear". It was to be attached to fear that "in Italy we reached a settlement similar to that Chile at that time had been the beginning of a brutal military dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet to work (1973). The change was intended as an abandonment of any possibility of agreement with the Communists. Some believe that this figure was Henry Kissinger, who had already spoken in terms of disturbing the Foreign Minister of Moro in a meeting face to face in 1974. Asked about Kissinger has denied the incident, beginning with the date of the last "diktat" on the fringes of an international meeting March 23, 1976 [69]. He also said that the contacts held between Moro Enrico Berlinguer, secretary of the PCI and Giorgio Almirante, secretary of the MSI, respectively, the major parties of left and right, with the aim - according to questa ipotesi - di "raffreddare la tensione delle rispettive frange estremiste" (Brigate Rosse e Nuclei Armati Rivoluzionari), l'esatto opposto di quanto volevano gli strateghi della tensione. Di certo, tra Berlinguer ed Almirante ci furono contatti personali e stima (come dimostrato dalla presenza di Almirante ai funerali di Berlinguer nel 1984, presenza ricambiata da Alessandro Natta ai funerali di Almirante nel 1988).
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